Shifting Sands

The following sections are included:

• Contents
• Introduction — Setting the Scene
• About the Author

The following sections are included:

• Introduction
• Maintaining a fiction
• A threat and an opportunity
• Unusual suspects
• A dialectic relationship
• The social contract ruptures
• Conclusion

The following sections are included:

• Introduction
• Occupation and conquest
• Constructing national identity
• Moulding modern citizens
• Following the Zionist example
• Defence under cover of sports
• A primary source
• A well-oiled machine
• Fuelling nationalist friction
• Projecting nationhood
• Conclusion

The following sections are included:

• Introduction
• The battle for the sport
• A novel concept
• Enter the Prussians
• A social and political paradigm shift
• An ongoing struggle
• Conclusion

The following sections are included:

• Introduction
• Islam and soccer
• New heights
• Soldiers of righteousness
• An unknown history
• The politics of survival
• Platforms for political agitation
• A soccer war
• Mounting violence
• Conclusion

The popular Arab revolts in 2011 and subsequent conflicts and wars across the Middle East and North Africa constitute the most brutal and violent expression of global discontent and a breakdown of confidence in governance and leadership. They parallel widespread protests in recent years spanning the globe from Latin America to Asia against sports organisations’ mismanagement and mega-events. It is driven by lack of confidence in institutions that have failed to root out corruption and meet demands for justice, dignity and inclusiveness. Huge expenditure on sports mega-events, like the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games in Brazil are catalysts and platforms for protest; soccer fans often play key roles in the protests. As a result, sports associations like governments risk being swept away by an irresistible tide if they fail to embrace the change that protestors demand.

Said Moshagheb, a mesmerisingly charismatic, under-educated and unemployed leader of a prominent group of militants, well-organised, and street battle-hardened soccer fans, staged a coup in the wake of the 2011 popular revolt that overthrew President Hosni Mubarak against the founders and original leaders of the Ultras White Knights (UWK), the storied support group of Zamalek SC, one of Egypt’s most celebrated clubs…

Militant Turkish soccer fans weren’t on Egypt’s radar a decade ago when their Egyptian counterparts emerged as the foremost physical opposition to President Hosni Mubarak. The Egyptians borrowed substantially from militant fans in Serbia, Italy and Argentina, but would have likely found greater communality with the likes of Carsi, the militant support group of Istanbul’s storied Besiktas JK. That was certainly true with militant, highly politicised soccer fans in both countries in the early 21^st century on the front lines of anti-government protest while confronting attempts to intimidate and cut them down to size in an environment that had become increasingly authoritarian, if not repressive…

When Sarah Samir stepped in early 2015 on to an Egyptian soccer pitch to referee a men’s match, she joined a small band of Arab women referees staking out their right to be involved in the sport on par with men. The significance of the appearance of Samir, Egypt’s first woman referee, highlighted the battle for the soul of Islam that is being fought on the pitch as much as it is being waged on multiple other fronts. It also constituted an undeclared effort by the government to pit ordinary soccer fans against militant, highly politicised, street battle-hardened supporters who have put their stamp on the sport since 2007 and played a key role in the toppling in 2011 of President Hosni Mubarak and subsequent anti-government protests. The timing of the government move was significant not only because it followed Egyptian General-turned-President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi’s call for a reform of Islam to stem the appeal of jihadism but also coincided with the government’s partial lifting of a 3-year ban on fans attending league matches…

In a part of the world in which freedoms of association and expression as well as the right to dissent are at best severely curtailed, if not virtually non-existent, sports in the Gulf in general and soccer in particular has emerged as one of the few arenas alongside social media that provide a release valve and an opportunity to demand change…

Little better illustrates the inextricable link between sports and politics than the frequent perception of Middle Eastern and North African national football teams as representatives of repressive autocratic regimes…

Violent and racist soccer-related incidents in Europe and North Africa in the second decade of the 21^st century reflected the failure of governments to address the socio-economic and political aspirations of large numbers of marginalised youth. Tensions on the pitch were further exasperated by brutal police actions in North African autocracies and a predominant focus on law enforcement in European democracies…

Iraqi soccer pitches have emerged as an alternative battleground in the struggle for control of Iraq between the Islamic State, the jihadist group that controls chunks of northern Iraq, and Iraq’s embattled government…

The following sections are included:

• Introduction
• Complying but not complying
• A preference for quiet diplomacy
• Toing and froing
• Steps of the devil
• Conclusion

The struggle for women’s rights to engage in sports and attend sporting events in Middle Eastern countries such as Iran and Saudi Arabia has commanded increased attention as a result of several events: a rejection of an Iranian bid to host an Under-19 men’s volleyball world championship by the International Volleyball Federation (FIVB) because of the barring of women from stadia; the charging of a British-Iranian woman for attempting to enter a stadium to watch a volleyball game; the presence of Australian women among fans who travelled in November to Saudi Arabia for the Asian Champions League final; and the rare appearance of Saudi women in an all-male stadium in Abu Dhabi…

Qatar’s successful bid for the right to host the 2022 World Cup has put the Gulf state at the forefront of demands for legal changes to its labour regime that potentially could change the very nature of its society and politics and serve as a model for other countries in the region. The bid has also sparked the beginnings of long overdue debate of taboo issues, including rules governing citizenship and naturalisation…

The following sections are included:

• Introduction
• Demographics, demographics, demographics
• Caught off guard
• Running the gamut
• Promising reform
• Avoiding responsibility
• Conclusion

Qatar is proving to be its own worst enemy in achieving its soft power goals of embedding itself in the international community as a good citizen despite having put crucial blocks in place. Its failure to convincingly follow through on promises to reform its controversial migrant labour system, demonstrate its sincerity in stopping a flow of funds to jihadist organisations, and develop a robust communications strategy that counters legitimate criticism as well as attacks by its detractors has cost it significant reputational damage and diplomatic and political capital…

The following sections are included:

• Introduction
• An incestuous relationship
• No sign of cleaning house
• Democracy vs. dictatorship
• The risk of good governance and reform
• Conclusion

The story of the genesis of my writing about the politics of soccer in the Middle East and North Africa that I would like to tell you is that I first saw everything I write about 30 years ago when I accompanied the Mexican national soccer team on the eve of the 1986 World Cup on its first ever visit to the region…

The following section is included:

• Index